In over 25 unbroken years as a politician and public office holder, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, has carefully cultivated the image of a loose cannon. No one else even comes close. From his days as Chief of Staff (and later, Chief Tormentor) of the Rotimi Amechi administration in Rivers State; to his role as lead financier of PDP (and subsequently, Chief Architect of the party’s misfortune), Wike is in a class of his own – a man with equal capacity to build and destroy. If he were to be a product on the shelf, he would come with a bold, mandatory warning label: “Dangerous and highly inflammable. Do not ingest or apply on sensitive organs. Handle with care.”
With such credentials, it came as a bit of a surprise to many when he found not just accommodation but a pride of place in the cabinet of President Bola Tinubu – despite officially not belonging to the ruling party. Even if justified as payback for his role in delivering what some believe was a dubious electoral victory for the president in Rivers State in 2023, many believe that Tinubu has been unusually magnanimous in giving Wike so much latitude ever since.
So, what is driving this unlikely marriage? What does Tinubu see in Wike which nobody else sees? What could be in the mind of the president, a man widely seen as having the vision and ruthless cunning of a Mafia don? And what might become of the two when this romance is over?
A Bulletproof Vest
One of the most under-reported “benefits” that Wike brings to Tinubu is his capacity to deflect public anger from his principal. In the past few weeks alone, the FCT boss has been in the news for at least two wrong reasons;
First, he was alleged to have secretly allocated over two thousand acres of choice land in Abuja’s Maitama and Asokoro districts to his two sons. A widely-circulated media report, supposedly showing documentary evidence, championed this claim. In vehemently denying this allegation, Wike was quick to add that as citizens of Nigeria, his sons (both barely old enough to pay rent) have a right to own land anywhere around the country! As if that was in dispute.
Next, Wike was accused by his former boss, Rotimi Amechi, of excessive flamboyance for driving around in a Rolls Royce in a country where millions starve. Wike fired back. He went on national TV to say he bought the car with his own money; owed no one an apology; and, in any case, comes from an affluent background which afforded him a Mercedes Benz as a student over three decades back! For good measure, he added a counter-accusation – that Amechi’s wife was a contractor for NNDC and collected N4b monthly for contracts not delivered!!
Put a microphone and a camera in front of Wike for an hour and you’ll get primetime content for a month. In essence, “The Lion of Port Harcourt” appears to thrive in controversy. He doesn’t mind being perceived poorly. So, he stirs up a storm regularly and by soaking up the ensuing negative energy to himself, Tinubu is spared part of what should rightly come to him for heading a largely ineffectual government.
When things go wrong, Nigerians notoriously prefer blaming “the people around the president” rather than the president himself. Wike is the perfect fall guy. Some may even sympathize with the president for putting up with such a fellow in his cabinet! This must be soothing relief for the president. So, Wike is like a bulletproof vest for Tinubu. He takes some of the raw force from the bullets and shrapnel flying around the political battlefield, helping his boss survive a little longer. He doesn’t seem to mind – as long as he is in office and in the limelight.
The Jagaban probably knows this and smiles behind the scenes whenever Wike is up to some mischief.
Infrastructure & Service Delivery
Since assuming office in August 2023, Wike has also overseen major infrastructural upgrades within the FCT. The Inner and Outer Southern Expressways, Abuja, Keffi and Kaduna roads, as well as new healthcare and education initiatives like Abuja Medical City and Abuja University of Science and Technology are just some of his signature projects.
To do this, Wike is said to have secured President Tinubu’s approval to exempt the FCT from the Treasury Single Account (TSA), an initiative of former President Goodluck Jonathan to curb rampant corruption by heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies. This waiver is said to be accelerating project implementation and responsiveness. Even Wike’s enemies acknowledge that no FCT Minister in recent years has made so much impact in such a short time.
Such sterling stewardship on the highly coveted and visible FCT portfolio – and Wike’s public commitment to supporting Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid – provide vital political capital for the president. Especially in a territory where he performed so poorly in the 2023 elections with only 19% of votes cast. That performance was one of the pillars of a concerted opposition party legal challenge against Tinubu until a Supreme Court ruling came to his rescue.
Tinubu hopes to win hands down in Abuja in 2027. With a man like Wike at the helm, his opponents say he is sure to win by hook or by crook – either on the back of a good performance or by manipulating the polls.
The Flip side: Overreach & Perception of Alternate President
Wike’s heavy handed enforcement of ground rent collection and mass sealing of defaulters’ premises, including the headquarters of the main opposition party PDP, is widely viewed as punitive. It provoked a major backlash, with public figures like Bode George and Dele Momodu criticizing him for acting like a “co-president.” Others said it was part of a script by the President to cripple all opposition ahead of the 2027 elections.
Northern or Arewa-centric groups have accused Wike of marginalizing Northern interests in the FCT. They say he is systematically favoring his Rivers State and Southern allies in land allocations, employment and contracts. Considering that Abuja, like the NNPC, is historically one of the enclaves of Northern political and economic elites in Nigeria, such allegations are weighty and capable of risking Arewa goodwill towards Tinubu’s administration.
For a leader already weighed down by allegations of marginalizing his Vice President (a Northern interest placeholder), this may be a needless extra burden for Tinubu.
Even as FCT Minister, Wike has refused to let go of an ounce of influence in Rivers State politics, strategically undermining Governor Siminalayi Fubara with impeachment efforts and through loyalist networks. On March 18, 2025, Tinubu was forced into an uncomfortable (some say unconstitutional) intervention. He declared a state of emergency and federal takeover of Rivers State, ostensibly to restore order. The state Governor, his Deputy and the State Assembly were suspended for six months.
Although many say that Tinubu exploited the crisis in Rivers to scheme himself into position as the driver of the state’s political future (to the detriment of both Fubara and Wike), there is no doubt that it highlights Wike’s profile as a destabilizing and divisive force. He did a similar thing after losing the PDP presidential primaries in 2022, forming the G-5 Governors alliance which effectively crippled the party. Against this threat, Tinubu must be eternally vigilant.
Prognosis for Tinubu–Wike Relations
In the short-term (2025–2027), the alliance remains strong and mutually beneficial. Tinubu values Wike’s capacity to deliver visible results and mobilize political support, especially ahead of the 2027 elections. Wike values Tinubu’s confidence in giving him a freehand to run such a sensitive ministry – even against the advice of APC faithfuls.
The FCT under Wike is one of the few bright spots in the dark firmament of the Tinubu administration – widely believed to be blighted by failures in economics and security. Not to mention the hangover of a highly controversial 2023 election marred by widespread irregularities in favor of Tinubu.
For now, it appears there is no other performing minister in Tinubu’s cabinet except Wike. And that is how Wike loves to operate. He craves the spotlight, and when he’s not the one under it, he goes for the switch.
Medium to long term (post-2027),tensions may surface on two fronts:
First, Wike’s presidential ambitions (he was PDP’s runner-up in 2022) may prompt a fissure if Tinubu seeks an extended tenure or to anoint a successor other than Wike. Though unconstitutional, many now fear that Tinubu has the attributes of one who may move for a third term in office or life presidency. They say if Olusegun Obasanjo once attempted to change the constitution and stay on, Tinubu is even more likely to go further. With the Legislature and Judiciary already eating off his palm, little, they say, stands before him.
Wike’s growing stature and southern power base position him as a potential rival rather than remaining a useful lieutenant in that context.
Next, If perceptions of overreach, regional bias, or federal politicization of the FCT deepen, Tinubu may recalibrate to protect his broader support. Removed domestic peace in Rivers will test Tinubu’s tolerance and political acumen; should Wike’s manoeuvres cause further constitutional friction, calls for his removal will intensify. And Tinubu will be held fully responsible.
Conclusions
Wike is, for now, a net asset to Tinubu: delivering urban transformation and crucial electoral support in two areas where he is electorally vulnerable – Rivers and Abuja. He also deflects tension from the president by creating and soaking up some of his own theatrics. But Wike carries inherent liabilities—ethnic sensitivities, administrative heavy-handedness, and regional political meddling—which both limit and define his influence.
If managed adaptively, Wike will remain a lynchpin in Tinubu’s support structure through 2027. After that, unless a clear role realignment or exit strategy is agreed upon, their partnership risks metamorphosing into rivalry, particularly if Wike pursues the presidency or Tinubu seeks to rein in FCT excesses.
To balance both his assets and liabilities, the president must begin to tactfully reign in Wike by implementing oversight to ensure inclusive resource distribution and minimize perceptions of ethnic partiality. He must also clarify his involvement in Rivers by encouraging Wike to disengage politically from state affairs—in public and in practice—to avoid future crises.
Whether Wike will be amenable to this remains to be seen given his antecedents. As junior minister under Amechi and as runner up in the last PDP presidential primaries, it did not end well.
Tinubu may also already be consideringengaging Wike in a forward plan—whether it’s a prominent national commission role or a diplomatic posting far from Nigeria shores—to align post‑2027 ambitions with Tinubu’s vision.
Overall, Nyesom Wike in the FCT has been both a transformational administrator and a polarizing political force; a tactical as well as a strategic weapon for President Bola Tinubu. As the winds shift towards 2027, his relationship with Tinubu will depend less on current accomplishments and more on how their alliance adapts to ambition, backlash, and political calculus. Managed astutely, the Tinubu‑Wike nexus could persist as a powerful duo. Mismanaged, it may splinter under the weight of expectation, ambition and rivalry. And no one would be surprised.
Victor Anazonwu is a media and communication strategist, public affairs commentator and author based in Lagos.
