Agenda setters and nimble footed gatekeepers with skills in the art of subterfuge sought to shame the unenviable records of Hitler’s Propaganda Minister, Josef Goebbels, by dexterously persuading Nigerians that the much maligned and hitherto unmarketable Muhammadu Buhari was a born-again democrat, who should be given another chance to square up with other conquistadors in the complex political chess game.
Sophisticated intellectuals and even the enlightened and erudite elite class, who were uncomfortable with Buhari’s obnoxious pedigree as a defamed military dictator, reluctantly accepted that whitewashed postulations and hypotheses due to the unmitigated disaster that the PDP led government had become. Nigerians really had no choice; it boiled down to choosing between two hydra headed Mephistopheles.
Therefore, Buhari’s landslide victory in 2015 presidential polls, did not come as a surprise, as dispirited Nigerians were desperate for an alternative political arrangement that would better their lot. It is reasonable to suppose that a lot of Nigerians opted for the ‘lesser evil’, believing that the fabled egg heads in All Progressive Congress, APC, had churned out an impregnable Action Plan and scandal proof blueprints to tackle the myriad of Nigeria’s socio-economic problems that were left on its trail by the retreating PDP stalwarts. Babatunde Fashola’s monumental records of achievements as the governor of Lagos state between 2007 and 2015, were readily cited as the benchmark. It was taken for granted that Fashola’s blueprint would be replicated nationwide for the betterment of Nigerians. Furthermore, the fact that the taciturn Buhari forged an alliance with a well-known pro-democracy activist, Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, thus persuading Nigerians to switch allegiance to the rechristened party that parroted the change mantra. If Bola Ahmed Tinubu had a gift of clairvoyance, it would be debatable if he would have gone ahead to forge such an alliance!
Unfortunately, Buhari had an agendum which was encased in inscrutable parochialism and narrow mindedness. Buhari adopted the art of aloofness and inertia as a statecraft, leaving yawning gaps to be deliberately manipulated by members of his nebulous kitchen cabinet.
It is, indeed, appropriate at this juncture, to delve into Buhari’s pedigree to help us unravel his persona.
Although austere, Buhari had been privileged as he was once a military governor of North Eastern state between 1975 and 1976, and a former Petroleum Minister during Murtala Mohammed’s/Obasanjo’s regime. His image loomed large in 1983 when the military junta overthrew the inept civilian administration of Alhaji Shehu Shagari and made him the Head of State and Commander in Chief of the armed forces.
However, his number two-man, Brigadier-General Tunde Idiagbon, was widely regarded as the de facto leader.
The stern visage and unsmiling face of Brigadier-General Tunde Idiagbon, elicited curiosity in the media and sent a strong metaphorical signal to Nigerians that it was no longer business as usual. Nigeria was turning to a Hobbesian state, and Buhari and his cohorts, were determined to clean up the proverbial Augean stable, and reawaken the fading embers of nationalism in the consciousness of hapless Nigerians.
The then ruling party, National Party of Nigeria, NPN, in its inordinate ambition to turn Nigeria into a one party state in 1983 national elections, had ‘captured’ the strongholds of opposition parties in the southern part of the country like (old) Ondo, Oyo, Bendel and (old) Anambra. Allegations of rigging against the ruling party triggered spontaneous riots in Ondo and Oyo states, and the assets of some prominent politicians were razed by mobs. Chief Akin Omoboriowo and Chief Olunloyo, both of NPN, were governors of Ondo and Oyo states, the hotbeds of political conflagrations, then.
Indeed, violence had become cyclical in Nigeria’s disjointed political landscape. The earth-shaking political turmoil in Western Region, popularly termed ‘Operation Wetie’ in the 1960s, led to wanton destruction of property, murder of countless citizens and political instability in that Region. That political unrest that never abated for weeks led to the first military coup d’état, which was allegedly masterminded by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, in 1966. There were spontaneous riots in many parts of the North, especially Kano and Kaduna states, after the 2011, presidential elections, when Goodluck Jonathan, of PDP was declared the winner by Independent National Election Commission, INEC. Inflammatory comments made by the flag bearer of Congress for Progressive, Muhammadu Buhari, that the nation would be soaked in blood if the elections were rigged were said to have triggered the violent protest.
Although, untested, the youthful Major General Buhari, was generally seen as a ‘messiah’ by unsuspecting plebeians when he became the Head of State in 1983. Tribunals were hurriedly, set up to try the protagonists of the overthrown civilian administration, and many of them were convicted for indulging in corrupt activities and handed long term jail sentences.
‘War Against Indiscipline’ was subsequently, launched by Buhari’s administration to arrest the drift to anarchy, and the signature campaign was universally, perceived as a huge success. The honeymoon was still not over when Buhari, unpretentiously unmasked himself and bared his poisonous fangs, as he wantonly infringed on the fundamental human rights of the populace. The shadows of Cambodia’s blood thirsty dictator, Pol Pot and Central Africa Republic’s Jean Bedel Bokassa, loomed large in the consciousness of hapless Nigerians.
The press was gagged with the prompt enactment of Decree Number 4, and two highly regarded journalists on the staff of The Guardian Newspapers: Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor, were jailed for publishing articles that allegedly embarrassed the omnipotent junta. The uncultured military junta did not spare the world of culture. Africa’s music icon and the conscience of the nation, Fela Anikulapo Kuti was quickly arrested at the international airport, tried, and jailed by a compromised judge for being in ‘illegal possession of foreign currencies.’ Fela had been a legendary voice for the voiceless, and an acerbic critic of military dictatorship. His, mother, late Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, a revered human rights activist, was killed in mysterious circumstances by unknown soldiers during the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo in 1978. The civilized world was shocked when a retroactive decree was enacted by Buhari’s administration, paving the way for the trial and execution of convicted drug dealers. Freedom of expression was suffocated, and violations of the fundamental human rights became a routine. Meal subsidies that served as cushions for penurious students in the universities were unilaterally abolished, institutionalizing starvation as a state policy.
Due to internal power struggle in the military, Buhari was overthrown in a palace coup orchestrated by his Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ibrahim Babangida in August 1985.
Although, Buhari manifested nebulous regional inclinations as a military Head of State, as exemplified by the fifty three suit cases from abroad that belonged to the Emir of Gwandu that were never subjected to prevailing protocols at the airport, contrary to subsisting directives, however, such inclinations were not clear cut, thus some Nigerians, blinded by the ineptitude of failed PDP government, longed for him to come back to power, believing that his exaggerated credential as an anti-corruption crusader was enough to make Nigeria an El dorado.
Although Buhari’s ceaseless attempts through the ballot box to offer himself for governance at the highest level were roundly rejected by clear eyed Nigerians, who were greatly disturbed by his unpretentious and crystal-clear inclinations to regionalism and sectionalism, they lowered their guards of resistance in 2015, having being persuaded by Goebellian think tanks that Buhari had undergone rapid metamorphosis, and was best suited to save Nigeria from the kleptocratic grip of the vampires of Peoples Democratic Party. President Jonathan’s perceived weakness and inability to reign in corrupt government officials made matters worse for the then ruling party, PDP. Jonathan’s service chiefs were alleged to have misappropriated funds meant to procure arms to the tune of billions of Naira. It was further alleged that the service chiefs procured cheap arms that led to the serial losses suffered by Nigerian soldiers against the rag tag guerrillas of the ubiquitous Boko Haram in the battlefield of Sambisa forest. Concerned Nigerians wondered what President Jonathan achieved with the huge revenue that accrued from the sale of crude oil at $107 per barrel between 2011 and 2014. There was nothing on ground to pinpoint any concrete achievements with such colossal revenue.
Between 2015 and 2017 the prices of crude oil hovered between $48.66 and $60.46; the prices further nosedived between 2018 to 2020, hovering between $65.23 in 2018 to $38.78 in 2020. Although the decline in oil revenue seriously affected the Buhari administration, it was widely expected that his frugal management of resources would make a difference, unfortunately, it was business as usual. Buhari’s incompetence started manifesting, as it took him a long while to name his cabinet, after populating all the sensitive military, intelligence, and paramilitary positions with folks from a particular section of the country. Attempts by well meaning leaders to make him respect the diversity of the nation as enshrined in the provisions of the constitution hit a brick wall. Little wonder why most Nigerians leaders that endorsed him in 2015 elections turned against him in 2019 presidential elections.
But his trademark aloofness, insouciance and docility later proved costly, as the Nigerian youth, who were routinely abused by a unit of the police force, the so called Special Anti-Robbery Squad, SARS, shook off their lethargy and made their voices heard for the first time in decades. The civilized world acclaimed the protest as peaceful, yet the unarmed protesters were attacked with live bullets by soldiers alleged to have been deployed from the 81 Division of the Nigerian army on October 20, at Lekki Toll gate, the cash cow of Lagos State Government, killing an unknown number of protesters.
(Photo by PIUS UTOMI EKPEI/AFP via Getty Images)
That dastardly act was the turning point as the protest was hijacked by hoodlums, turning it to a very violent activity, unfortunately the assets of some politicians, innocent civilians and royal fathers were targeted nationwide. Warehouses where ‘palliatives’ for Covid-19 victims were stored were vandalised and the ‘palliatives’ carted away.
The actions of the hoodlums are condemnable but Buhari is handicapped as he cannot churn out military decrees as he did 41 years ago to subjugate the masses. He must follow the rule of law to address the issues at hand or incur the wrath of the civilized world.
ERASMUS NDULUE is a UK based climate activist, novelist, poet, and short story writer. He was the former Head of Department of Health, Safety, Environment and Security in an Oil Services company in Lagos, before relocating to UK.
